What the environment delivered, what it delivers now, and the gap.

{
  "unit": "individuals",
  "layer_sizes": {
    "affinity_band": 50,
    "active_network": 150,
    "support_clique": 5,
    "sympathy_group": 15
  },
  "scaling_factor": 3,
  "outer_ceiling_note": "low hundreds; ~150 is an approximate central tendency, not a constant; the neocortex-ratio derivation is contested (Lindenfors 2021)",
  "outer_ceiling_approx": 150,
  "tribal_clan_grouping": "clusters in the low hundreds (ethnographic)"
}

• ext#404 · replicated · primaryThe innermost group consists of about three to five people.
• ext#490 · replicated · primarythe various human groups that can be identified in any society seem to cluster rather tightly around a series of values (5, 12, 35, 150, 500, and 2,000) with virtually no overlap in the variance around these characteristic values.
• ext#25 · contested · primaryfor the twenty-odd tribal societies where census data are available, these clan groups turn out to have a mean size of 153
• ext#483 · cross_species · supportingGroup size is found to be a function of relative neocortical volume, but the ecological variables are not. This is interpreted as evidence in favour of the social intellect theory and against the ecological theories.
• ext#485 · cross_species · supportingthe number of neocortical neurons limits the organism's information-processing capacity and that this then limits the number of relationships that an individual can monitor simultaneously.
• ext#484 · cross_species · supportingeven if it were true that energetic considerations constrain brain size, a proper functional explanation must still be given to explain why brains grow to the size they do.
• ext#26 · theoretical · supportingorganisations of fewer than 150 people work fine on a person-to-person basis, but once they grow larger than this they need a formal hierarchy if they are to work efficiently
• ext#507 · theoretical · supportingWe can only interact coherently with a very small number of other people (about three, in fact) at any one time.
• ext#508 · theoretical · supportingOn average, respondents in Sample 1 considered that only 27.6% of their Facebook friends could be considered 'genuine' (i.e. close) friends, with a strong modal value between 0 and 10%.
• ext#509 · theoretical · supportingit may be that face-to-face meetings are required from time to time to prevent friendships, in particular, sliding down through the network layers and eventually slipping over the edge of the 150 layer into the category of acquaintances.

{
  "note": "The ~1000+ lifetime figure is now FULL-TEXT-VERIFIED against its primary, Hill et al. 2014 PLoS ONE (added to Cor 2026-06-09): a forager 'social universe of about a thousand individuals'; lifetime pool of individually-known interactants 'clearly more than 1,000'. It remains a SINGLE-study, model-based estimate on two forager populations (Ache, Hadza) plus a cited San corroboration - illustrative, not a constant. The ~150 concurrent ceiling and nested 5/15/50/150 layers are separately full-text-grounded/replicated (SOC-01).",
  "active_network_layers": [
    5,
    15,
    50,
    150
  ],
  "concurrent_active_network_ceiling": 150,
  "lifetime_distinct_known_individuals": "~1000+"
}

• ext#502 · replicated · supportingEach layer increases relationship numbers by an approximate multiple of 3 (5-15-50-150) but decreasing levels of intimacy (strong, medium, and weak ties) and frequency of interaction.
• ext#404 · replicated · supportingThe innermost group consists of about three to five people.
• ext#25 · contested · supportingfor the twenty-odd tribal societies where census data are available, these clan groups turn out to have a mean size of 153
• ext#490 · replicated · supportingthe various human groups that can be identified in any society seem to cluster rather tightly around a series of values (5, 12, 35, 150, 500, and 2,000) with virtually no overlap in the variance around these characteristic values.
• ext#508 · theoretical · challengingOn average, respondents in Sample 1 considered that only 27.6% of their Facebook friends could be considered 'genuine' (i.e. close) friends, with a strong modal value between 0 and 10%.
• ext#509 · theoretical · supportingit may be that face-to-face meetings are required from time to time to prevent friendships, in particular, sliding down through the network layers and eventually slipping over the edge of the 150 layer into the category of acquaintances.
• ext#606 · thin · primaryAmong the Ache and Hadza, frequent visiting and long lifespans mean that adults typically interact with more than three hundred same-sex adults during their lifetimes. This implies a social universe of about a thousand individuals, when opposite-sex adults and children are included.
• ext#607 · thin · supportingPrecontact Northern Ache men, for example, are expected to have hunted with 206 men, conversed with 290 men, and watch tool making by 302 different men in a lifetime (Table S16 in File S1). Eastern Hadza men are expected to converse with 427 other Hadza men, hunt with 303 men, and watch tool making by 395 different men in a lifetime. In contrast, chimpanzees living in typical communities of 11 adult males are expected to interact with a mean of only 21 other adult males in a lifetime
• ext#608 · thin · supportingAdditionally, close companions often interact with a somewhat different set of individuals, so that the total number of indirect interactants that each individual hears about repeatedly in detailed stories, and could expect to possibly meet some time during their lifetime is clearly more than 1,000. This is a much higher number of individually known social interactants than reported for any other primate, and possibly more than any other species on earth. It is also much greater than the predicted 150 significant social interactants (known as “Dunbar's number”) that was extrapolated from primate brain by social group size regressions

{
  "units": "co-resident adults in a single band / overnight camp",
  "source_status": "Full-text-grounded values are the Dunbar layer magnitudes: band ~35 (ext 490, Dunbar 1998) and overnight camp ~50 (ext 404, Dunbar 2010). The 'reported_mean_adults_unverified' 28.2 and the 25-50 spread come from Hill et al. 2011 but are abstract/web-sourced and full-text-PENDING (R2 not satisfied); they carry NO extraction link and must not be treated as established.",
  "adult_range_low": 25,
  "adult_range_high": 50,
  "dunbar_band_layer": 35,
  "dunbar_overnight_camp_layer": 50,
  "reported_mean_adults_unverified": 28.2
}

• ext#490 · replicated · supportingthe various human groups that can be identified in any society seem to cluster rather tightly around a series of values (5, 12, 35, 150, 500, and 2,000) with virtually no overlap in the variance around these characteristic values.
• ext#404 · replicated · supportingThe innermost group consists of about three to five people.
• ext#603 · thin · primaryThe Hadza live in temporary camps that average about 30 individuals.

{
  "source_caveat": "figures are Hadza/forager web- and abstract-sourced (Hill et al. 2011 PMID 21393537; Dyble et al. 2015 PMID 25977553); both are real (DOI+PMID) but NOT in Cor and NOT full-text-verified in Cor (retrieval returned is_fulltext=false for each)",
  "camp_size_total_range": [
    25,
    50
  ],
  "camp_size_adults_approx": 28,
  "relatedness_qualitative": "low; most campmates unrelated or distantly related",
  "primary_kin_fraction_of_camp": "<~0.10"
}

• ext#601 · thin · supportingfirst-order relatives make up less than 10% of residential camps
• ext#605 · thin · primaryRelatedness within camps is low with primary kin comprising, on average, 1.43 and 1.93 of men and women's campmates respectively.

{
  "source": "Smith et al. 2018 (bioRxiv 313064), Hadza, full-text-read in Retrieve phase",
  "not_yet_in_cor": true,
  "unverified_secondary_note": "A higher figure of ~21.9% repeated / ~78% turnover circulates in secondary references and the task brief, but the Smith 2018 full text does NOT report it (it states 12.1%). That number is mis-attributable to this source and is plausibly from Smith et al. 2016 (R. Soc. Open Sci. 3:160131); it is NOT used as a value here and must be separately verified before any use.",
  "annual_turnover_proportion": 0.879,
  "camp_relocation_interval_weeks": [
    4,
    8
  ],
  "repeated_campmates_proportion_per_year": 0.121
}

• ext#602 · longitudinal · primaryAcross the three intervals, the mean proportion of repeated campmates was 12.1%.
• ext#604 · thin · supportingEvery 4-8 weeks entire camps shift location usually in response to resource availability.

{
  "homophily_traits": [
    "age",
    "height",
    "weight",
    "body_fat",
    "handgrip_strength"
  ],
  "kinship_is_primary_glue": false,
  "reciprocity_naming_odds_multiplier": {
    "ci_95": [
      37.6,
      51.4
    ],
    "source": "Apicella et al 2012",
    "population": "Hadza",
    "illustrative": true,
    "point_estimate": 44.2
  },
  "cooperator_assortment_degrees_of_separation": 2
}

• ext#598 · thin · primaryAn "ego" (the naming person) is 44.2 times (95% C.I. 37.6 to 51.4) more likely to name an "alter" (the named person) in the campmate network, and 14.3 times (95% C.I. 12.2 to 16.4) more likely to name an alter in the gift network, if the alter reciprocated the social tie by also naming the ego as a friend
• ext#599 · thin · primaryin both the campmate and gift networks, social ties are significantly more likely when two people are similar in age, height, weight, body fat, and handgrip strength.
• ext#600 · thin · supportingsocial distance appears to be as important as genetic relatedness and physical proximity in explaining assortativity in cooperation

{
  "_note": "All numeric values are ILLUSTRATIVE and full-text-PENDING in Cor; NO extraction id is cited for any of them. The ~27-yr co-survival ceiling and the hxaro figures (childhood-onset, lifelong, inherited, <=200 km, ~18% co-resident) are attributed to Wiessner 2002 EHB 23:407-436, which is NOT in Cor and whose full text could NOT be obtained (retrieval is_fulltext=false, zero verbatim quotes; snippet figures rejected per R2). For turnover: the only retrieval-grounded figure is from Smith et al. bioRxiv 313064 (mean repeated campmates 12.1% => ~88% annual turnover; camps shift every ~4-8 weeks), which is itself NOT yet a Cor extraction; the ~78% lower bound of the range is web/recall-sourced and full-text-UNVERIFIED and must NOT be attributed to bioRxiv 313064. Treat the range edges as soft.",
  "camp_reshuffle_interval_weeks": [
    4,
    8
  ],
  "hxaro_partner_max_distance_km": 200,
  "co_survival_ceiling_years_approx": 27,
  "annual_campmate_turnover_pct_approx": [
    78,
    88
  ],
  "hxaro_partners_in_own_camp_pct_approx": 18
}

• ext#509 · theoretical · primaryit may be that face-to-face meetings are required from time to time to prevent friendships, in particular, sliding down through the network layers and eventually slipping over the edge of the 150 layer into the category of acquaintances.
• ext#510 · theoretical · supportingsocial media may function mainly to prevent friendships decaying over time in the absence of opportunities for face-to-face contact.
• ext#503 · theoretical · supportingAt each layer, the benefits are asymptotic but the costs of maintaining a relationship at that level (most obviously, the time that has to be invested in servicing it) are roughly linear with the number of relationships.
• ext#505 · theoretical · supportingpsychologically, these trade-offs are related to the level of trust in a relationship, and that this is itself a function of the time invested in the relationship.
• ext#479 · theoretical · supportingTrivers identifies conditions maximizing the chance reciprocal altruism will be selected for: (1) many altruistic situations in the lifetime of the altruists, (2) a given altruist repeatedly interacts with the same small set of individuals, and (3) pairs of altruists are exposed

• ext#490 · replicated · supportingthe various human groups that can be identified in any society seem to cluster rather tightly around a series of values (5, 12, 35, 150, 500, and 2,000) with virtually no overlap in the variance around these characteristic values.
• ext#485 · cross_species · supportingthe number of neocortical neurons limits the organism's information-processing capacity and that this then limits the number of relationships that an individual can monitor simultaneously.

{
  "identity": "single durable identity, behavior history attached for life",
  "observability": "near-total within band/camp; rapid gossip diffusion across the ~150 layer",
  "accountability": "high: gossip, ridicule, ostracism, exclusion; non-exitable repeat interaction",
  "reference_group_basis": "personally-known, named, repeat-interaction reference group (Dunbar ceiling)",
  "reputational_reference_group_persons": 150
}

• ext#373 · replicated · primaryIn effect, the band keeps a dossier on every individual, noting positive and negative points. Group members exercise the right to take action if a deviant begins to intimidate other group members individually - or threatens the social equilibrium of the group or its very ability to function.
• ext#375 · replicated · primarythose who have things of value but do not give are subject to social control through gossip, ridicule or ostracism.
• ext#239 · theoretical · supportingIn the hypothesis of Tomasello et al. (2012), obligate collaborative foraging became an evolutionarily stable strategy for early humans because of two interrelated processes: interdependence and social selection. The first and most basic point is that humans began a lifestyle in which individuals could not procure their daily sustenance alone but instead were interdependent with others in their foraging activities - which meant that individuals needed to develop the skills and motivations to forage collaboratively or else starve. There was thus direct and immediate selective pressure for skills and motivations for joint collaborative activity (joint intentionality). The second point is that as a natural outcome of this interdependence, individuals began to make evaluative judgments about others as potential collaborative partners: they began to be socially selective, since choosing a poor partner meant less food. Cheaters and laggards were thus selected against, and bullies lost their power to bully.
• ext#508 · theoretical · challengingOn average, respondents in Sample 1 considered that only 27.6% of their Facebook friends could be considered 'genuine' (i.e. close) friends, with a strong modal value between 0 and 10%.
• ext#509 · theoretical · challengingit may be that face-to-face meetings are required from time to time to prevent friendships, in particular, sliding down through the network layers and eventually slipping over the edge of the 150 layer into the category of acquaintances.

{
  "note": "Specific aggregate 'alloparent count ~4+' and a generic '40-50% of care delivered by allomothers' figure are widely cited in the literature but are NOT verbatim-grounded in Cor's extractions; only the Hadza ~69/31 mother/allomother holding split and the qualitative multi-caregiver pattern are. Numbers given are the extraction-supported anchors, not an asserted universal mean.",
  "unit": "qualitative_plus_anchors",
  "hadza_mother_hold_pct": 69,
  "hadza_allomother_hold_pct": 31,
  "calories_to_rear_child_millions": 13,
  "human_interbirth_interval_years": [
    3,
    4
  ],
  "other_ape_interbirth_interval_years": [
    6,
    8
  ]
}

• ext#382 · replicated · primaryA quick survey of available ethnography indicates how widespread shared care is among foraging peoples.
• ext#401 · theoretical · primaryOne widely accepted tenet of life history theory is that, across species, those with bigger babies relative to the mother's body size will also tend to exhibit longer intervals between births because the more babies cost the mother to produce, the longer she will need to recoup before reproducing again. Yet humans - like marmosets - provide a paradoxical exception to this rule.
• ext#22 · theoretical · primarythese early hominin mothers relied on groupmates to help protect, care for, and provision their unusually slow-maturing children
• ext#271 · theoretical · supportingAmong humans living in foraging societies, a helpful mate and/or alloparents were usually essential for a mother to rear any infant at all. In a surprisingly broad range of creatures, indispensable alloparents provide many of the same forms of care a mother might, protecting and provisioning, even suckling another female's infant in cases where the alloparent is
• ext#380 · theoretical · supporting'Cooperative breeding' refers to any species with alloparental assistance in both the care and provisioning of young.
• ext#403 · theoretical · supportingWhen politicians lament the 'decline of the family,' they have in mind departures from the nuclear family: a man, his wife, and their biological children. However, the template for this kind of family dates back only a century or so, at most to Victorian times.
• ext#274 · theoretical · supportingalloparenting is particularly well developed and played a special role in the evolution of our own large-brained, slow-growing, and extraordinarily inventive species.

• ext#281 · theoretical · primaryClearly, for cooperatively breeding mammals, a female's physical capacity to conceive and bear viable young is only a small part of the equation. She must also be able to carry through with the enterprise - rearing offspring to independence.
• ext#402 · theoretical · primaryfor their pronounced ambivalence toward newborns and their extremely contingent maternal commitment. Infants have adapted, as we will see later, with special traits for attracting the attention of potential caretakers.
• ext#276 · theoretical · primaryBowlby demonstrated that babies are genetically programmed to seek and form an attachment to a trusted figure. Secure attachment to one or more trusted caretakers is an essential aspect of emotional development in humans, just as it is in all other primates.
• ext#296 · theoretical · supportingThe skin is the first and the largest sense organ to develop prenatally. The fetus is suspended in amniotic fluid and receives active stimulation from the fluid and the mother and others as they touch her abdomen. The fetus becomes increasingly active as this happens. The fetus also touches itself by thumb sucking and grasping the umbilical cord. The fetus gets a continuous massage for the entire nine months from both the amniotic fluid and the mother's insides. In addition, a pregnant woman naturally massages her baby in the womb. Touch alters oxytocin (an estrogen-dependent chemical), which relaxes the individual, promotes touch, encourages bonding, triggers milk letdown during breastfeeding, and sets off the uterine contractions that accompany childbirth.
• ext#294 · cross_species · supportingSeveral decades ago, Harry Harlow, at the University of Wisconsin, performed a classic experiment on touching monkeys. He built one surrogate mother out of terry cloth and a second surrogate mother out of wire mesh. For some of the monkey infants, the terry-cloth mother provided milk, and the wire mother did not. For others, the condition was reversed. The monkey infants preferred the cloth mother without the milk over the wire mother with milk, suggesting that they needed the touch stimulation as much as, if not more than, the nourishment.

• ext#212 · clinical · primaryWe found that play fighting in juvenile rats alters the dendritic branching of the neurons of the prefrontal cortex, with the arborization of the basilar dendrites of the OFC cells increasing and that of the apical dendrites of the mPFC cells decreasing.
• ext#220 · clinical · supportingMeasures of cortical thickness reveal that these more masculine rats have a greater volume of cortex and that the sex-typical asymmetry of their right hemisphere versus their left one is exaggerated relative to control males that were injected with an equal volume of oil. There is nothing particularly unexpected in this finding. However, when the untreated playmates of the testosterone-treated and oil-treated animals were compared, it was found that the partners of the more playful rats also tended to have greater cortical thickness. Just growing up with a more playful partner influences the development of the cortex!
• ext#216 · theoretical · supportingemotional responses are dependent on the activation of the amygdala, and, as we discussed in chapter 3, the amygdala is likely crucial to ensuring playful reciprocity. The prefrontal cortex dampens the activity of the amygdala, which thus prevents emotional overreaction. Here is a potential mechanism by which experience with play fighting in the juvenile period refines the prefrontal circuits, and, in doing so, produces animals that are better able to regulate their subcortically generated emotions.
• ext#256 · theoretical · supportingIn addition to the preceding primitive systems that are evident in all mammals soon after birth, we also have more sophisticated special-purpose socioemotional systems that are engaged at appropriate times in the lives of all mammals-for instance, those that mediate sexual LUST (see Chapter 12), maternal CARE (see Chapter 13), and roughhousing PLAY (see Chapter 15). Each of these is built around neural complexities that are only provisionally understood. Sexual urges are mediated by specific brain circuits and chemistries that are quite distinct for males and females but appear to share some components such as the physiological and psychological effects of oxytocin, which also promotes maternal motivation.
• ext#274 · theoretical · supportingalloparenting is particularly well developed and played a special role in the evolution of our own large-brained, slow-growing, and extraordinarily inventive species.

• ext#203 · theoretical · primaryIn order to elucidate the links between exercise and aging, I propose a corollary to the grandmother hypothesis, which I call the active grandparent hypothesis. According to this idea, human longevity was not only selected for but also made possible by having to work moderately during old age to help as many children, grandchildren, and other younger relatives as possible to survive and thrive. That is, while there might have been selection for genes (as yet unidentified) that help humans live past the age of fifty, there was also selection for genes that repair and maintain our bodies when we are physically active. As a result, many of the mechanisms that slow aging and extend life are turned on by physical activity, especially as we get older. Human health and longevity are thus extended both by and for physical activity.
• ext#401 · theoretical · supportingOne widely accepted tenet of life history theory is that, across species, those with bigger babies relative to the mother's body size will also tend to exhibit longer intervals between births because the more babies cost the mother to produce, the longer she will need to recoup before reproducing again. Yet humans - like marmosets - provide a paradoxical exception to this rule.
• ext#274 · theoretical · supportingalloparenting is particularly well developed and played a special role in the evolution of our own large-brained, slow-growing, and extraordinarily inventive species.
• ext#403 · theoretical · supportingWhen politicians lament the 'decline of the family,' they have in mind departures from the nuclear family: a man, his wife, and their biological children. However, the template for this kind of family dates back only a century or so, at most to Victorian times.

{
  "note": "No defensible single ancestral 'touches-per-hour' number; cross-cultural touch frequency ranges enormously (0-180+ contacts/hour across modern societies per Jourard), so the EEA value is a high-contact regime with a floor, not a point estimate",
  "qualitative": true,
  "infant_contact": "near-continuous (carried, co-sleeping, fed at frequent short intervals)",
  "touch_modality": "moderate-pressure affective (C-tactile) touch",
  "caregiver_scope": "mother plus alloparents; high-touch social field for adults"
}

• ext#296 · theoretical · primaryThe skin is the first and the largest sense organ to develop prenatally. The fetus is suspended in amniotic fluid and receives active stimulation from the fluid and the mother and others as they touch her abdomen. The fetus becomes increasingly active as this happens. The fetus also touches itself by thumb sucking and grasping the umbilical cord. The fetus gets a continuous massage for the entire nine months from both the amniotic fluid and the mother's insides. In addition, a pregnant woman naturally massages her baby in the womb. Touch alters oxytocin (an estrogen-dependent chemical), which relaxes the individual, promotes touch, encourages bonding, triggers milk letdown during breastfeeding, and sets off the uterine contractions that accompany childbirth.
• ext#293 · clinical · primaryWe have since found that moderate pressure is key to the massage therapy effects. We massage babies from head to foot (all but their chests and stomachs; they do not want to be touched there, most likely because that is where all the tubes have been inserted). The babies who were massaged gained 47 percent more weight than those not massaged, a significant weight gain.
• ext#89 · replicated · primaryIn a study of 112 parents and their 4-6 month olds, active parental touch triggered measurable OT responses. Mothers providing high levels of affectionate touch (>66% of interaction time) showed increased salivary OT from pre- to post-interaction, while mothers providing minimal
• ext#100 · longitudinal · supporting10-year longitudinal RCT (N=146): Kangaroo Care (14 days skin-to-skin) vs incubator care in preterm infants. KC increased autonomic functioning (RSA), maternal attachment, reduced maternal anxiety. Enhanced child cognitive development and executive functions from 6 months to 10 y
• ext#294 · cross_species · supportingSeveral decades ago, Harry Harlow, at the University of Wisconsin, performed a classic experiment on touching monkeys. He built one surrogate mother out of terry cloth and a second surrogate mother out of wire mesh. For some of the monkey infants, the terry-cloth mother provided milk, and the wire mother did not. For others, the condition was reversed. The monkey infants preferred the cloth mother without the milk over the wire mother with milk, suggesting that they needed the touch stimulation as much as, if not more than, the nourishment.
• ext#417 · clinical · supportingTana was raised in a Romanian orphanage. At age seven, relief workers found her all skin and bones and only half the height of a normal child her age.
• ext#418 · theoretical · supportingMany human cultures know the primary value of touch. In some primitive cultures, for example, people live skin-to-skin with virtually everyone.
• ext#295 · clinical · supportingSidney Jourard, a University of Florida psychologist, visited cafés in different parts of the world and recorded the number of times two people who were sharing coffee touched each other. In London, the tally was 0; in Gainesville, Florida, 2; in Paris 110; and in San Juan, Puerto Rico, more than 180. Most sociologists would agree that societies like those in the Mediterranean countries (e.g., Spain, France, Italy, Greece, Turkey, Egypt) are contact societies, whereas the more northern societies in countries such as Holland, Great Britain, and the United States are not.
• ext#537 · cross_species · supportingcontact comfort is a variable of overwhelming importance in the development of affectional response, whereas lactation is a variable of negligible importance.
• ext#618 · meta_analysis · supportingAt discharge or 40 to 41 weeks' postmenstrual age: "KMC was associated with a statistically significant reduction in the risk of mortality (risk ratio [RR] 0.60, 95% confidence interval [CI] 0.39 to 0.92; eight trials, 1736 infants)." At latest follow-up: "KMC was associated with a significantly decreased risk of mortality (RR 0.67, 95% CI 0.48 to 0.95; 12 trials, 2293 infants; moderate-quality evidence)."

• ext#615 · contested · supportingMoreover, infants and mothers are induced to awaken by an arousal exhibited by the other (within seconds) therein creating interconnected, mutually dependent, synchronous arousals [1, 2].
• ext#616 · contested · supportingthe behavior can be seen to be intimately linked to underlying EEGs, breathing patterns, changes in sleep architecture, body temperature and linked simultaneously to maternal physiological and behavioral events [5].
• ext#617 · contested · challengingas bedsharing safety is determined specifically by how it is practiced and by whom and what adverse factors could be associated

{
  "mechanism": "skin stimulation -> endorphin release (bonding) and vagal/cortisol regulation (stress buffering)",
  "qualitative": true,
  "reciprocity": "bidirectional: giver and receiver both benefit physiologically",
  "adult_social_touch": "frequent affiliative body contact / grooming-homolog from trusted others"
}

• ext#386 · replicated · primaryMonkey grooming is not about removing fleas. Rather, it is about the intimacy of massage. The physical stimulation of the skin triggers the release of endorphins in the brain.
• ext#429 · clinical · primaryWomen with physical contact before stress exhibited significantly lower cortisol and heart rate responses to stress but no different plasma oxytocin levels.
• ext#430 · clinical · supportingWe compared 'grandparent' volunteers massaging infants (figure 2.2), with 'grandparent' volunteers being massaged themselves. Both experiences had positive effects, including such lifestyle changes as participants having more social contacts, drinking less coffee, and making fewer trips to the doctor's office.
• ext#295 · clinical · supportingSidney Jourard, a University of Florida psychologist, visited cafés in different parts of the world and recorded the number of times two people who were sharing coffee touched each other. In London, the tally was 0; in Gainesville, Florida, 2; in Paris 110; and in San Juan, Puerto Rico, more than 180. Most sociologists would agree that societies like those in the Mediterranean countries (e.g., Spain, France, Italy, Greece, Turkey, Egypt) are contact societies, whereas the more northern societies in countries such as Holland, Great Britain, and the United States are not.
• ext#418 · theoretical · supportingMany human cultures know the primary value of touch. In some primitive cultures, for example, people live skin-to-skin with virtually everyone.

{
  "biological_night": "genuine darkness",
  "typical_sleep_onset": "~20:00-22:00 (dusk-aligned)",
  "evening_illumination": "firelight (low lux, long-wavelength ~600nm+)",
  "reference_populations": [
    "Hadza",
    "San"
  ],
  "daytime_light_lux_outdoor": ">10000"
}

• ext#77 · clinical · primaryElectric light, caffeine, and alarm clocks systematically disrupt the ancestral dark-cycle sleep pattern that governed human circadian biology for millennia. Walker describes how Edison's incandescent light "put an end to this natural order of things," delaying melatonin release
• ext#436 · replicated · supportingCentral to many of the questions in the opening paragraph is the powerful sculpting force of your twenty-four-hour rhythm, also known as your circadian rhythm.
• ext#82 · clinical · supportingIn a randomized crossover study (N=12), reading a light-emitting eReader (LE-eBook) for 4 hours before bedtime for 5 consecutive evenings produced multiple measurable disruptions compared to reading a printed book in identical dim light conditions. Melatonin was suppressed by 55.
• ext#83 · clinical · supportingThe circadian disruption from evening LE-eReader use persisted beyond the reading session. Next-morning sleepiness was significantly greater after LE-eBook reading (P<0.001) and participants took hours longer to fully wake up. The circadian phase shift (dim light melatonin onset
• ext#609 · thin · primaryHere we show that electrical lighting and the constructed environment is associated with reduced exposure to sunlight during the day, increased light exposure after sunset, and a delayed timing of the circadian clock as compared to a summer natural 14h40min:9h20min light-dark cycle camping. Furthermore, we find that after exposure to only natural light, the internal circadian clock synchronizes to solar time such that the beginning of the internal biological night occurs at sunset and the end of the internal biological night occurs before wake time just after sunrise.
• ext#610 · thin · supportingFollowing the week of exposure to natural lighting, all measured markers of internal circadian time were ~2h earlier (Fig 3., all p<0.01; Bonferroni correction required p<0.0167, one tailed) and remarkably, melatonin onset occurred on average near sunset, the melatonin midpoint occurred in the middle of the solar night, and melatonin offset occurred before wake time just after sunrise. Sleep timing was related to circadian timing after electrical lighting-constructed conditions and less so after exposure to only natural light (Supplemental information Table S1 and Fig. S2). The advance in timing of melatonin onset was significantly larger than changes in sleep start and wake times which changed by ~1.2h (Fig. 3, both p<0.02; Bonferroni correction required p<0.025, two tailed). Weekly sleep duration (6.7±0.9h electrical versus 6.8h±0.7h natural lighting; p=0.268, twotailed) and sleep efficiency (87.6±5.6% electrical versus 87.0±4.6% natural lighting; p=0.49, two-tailed) did not significantly change indicating that a change in sleep amount or efficiency did not contribute to the current findings.
• ext#611 · thin · supportingNatural sunlight is a stronger environmental zeitgeber or time cue for the internal circadian clock than is electrical lighting in the constructed environment.
• ext#612 · thin · supportingWe have previously shown that exposure to a natural summer 14 hr 40 min:9 hr 20 min light-dark cycle entrains the human circadian clock to solar time, such that the internal biological night begins near sunset and ends near sunrise [1]. Here we show the beginning of the biological night and sleep occur earlier after a week exposure to a natural winter 9 hr 20 min:14 hr 40 min light-dark cycle as compared to the modern electrical lighting environment.
• ext#614 · thin · supportingothers have reported later circadian and/or sleep timing in Brazilian rubber tappers [2] and in hunter-gatherers from the indigenous Toba/Qom in the Argentinean Chaco with access to electrical lighting compared to those from the same communities without access to electrical lighting

• ext#92 · longitudinal · primaryIn a large epidemiological database (n>65,000, primarily Central European), social jetlag - the discrepancy between biological circadian clock and socially imposed sleep timing - is associated with increased BMI independently of sleep duration. 69% of the population experiences a
• ext#93 · longitudinal · primarySocial jetlag - the discrepancy between biological and social clocks - is chronic throughout working careers. 69% of the population (N>65,000, central European) experiences at least 1 hour of social jetlag; one-third suffers 2+ hours. Social jetlag peaks in late adolescence due t
• ext#94 · longitudinal · supportingHierarchical multiple regression revealed social jetlag positively predicts BMI specifically in the overweight group (BMI>=25, n=20,731), with an effect size more than half that of sleep duration, but does NOT predict BMI in the normal weight group (BMI<25, n=43,308). Logistic re
• ext#81 · theoretical · supportingRoenneberg identifies "social jet lag" - the chronic discrepancy between an individual's biological clock and socially imposed schedules - as a pervasive mismatch condition in industrialized societies. Over 40% of the Central European population suffers from social jet lag of two
• ext#79 · theoretical · supportingDuring puberty, the suprachiasmatic nucleus shifts the adolescent circadian rhythm progressively forward, pushing sleep onset several hours later than both younger children and adult parents. Walker describes how a nine-year-old's melatonin-driven sleep onset around 9 p.m. shifts
• ext#77 · clinical · supportingElectric light, caffeine, and alarm clocks systematically disrupt the ancestral dark-cycle sleep pattern that governed human circadian biology for millennia. Walker describes how Edison's incandescent light "put an end to this natural order of things," delaying melatonin release
• ext#609 · thin · supportingHere we show that electrical lighting and the constructed environment is associated with reduced exposure to sunlight during the day, increased light exposure after sunset, and a delayed timing of the circadian clock as compared to a summer natural 14h40min:9h20min light-dark cycle camping. Furthermore, we find that after exposure to only natural light, the internal circadian clock synchronizes to solar time such that the beginning of the internal biological night occurs at sunset and the end of the internal biological night occurs before wake time just after sunrise.
• ext#610 · thin · primaryFollowing the week of exposure to natural lighting, all measured markers of internal circadian time were ~2h earlier (Fig 3., all p<0.01; Bonferroni correction required p<0.0167, one tailed) and remarkably, melatonin onset occurred on average near sunset, the melatonin midpoint occurred in the middle of the solar night, and melatonin offset occurred before wake time just after sunrise. Sleep timing was related to circadian timing after electrical lighting-constructed conditions and less so after exposure to only natural light (Supplemental information Table S1 and Fig. S2). The advance in timing of melatonin onset was significantly larger than changes in sleep start and wake times which changed by ~1.2h (Fig. 3, both p<0.02; Bonferroni correction required p<0.025, two tailed). Weekly sleep duration (6.7±0.9h electrical versus 6.8h±0.7h natural lighting; p=0.268, twotailed) and sleep efficiency (87.6±5.6% electrical versus 87.0±4.6% natural lighting; p=0.49, two-tailed) did not significantly change indicating that a change in sleep amount or efficiency did not contribute to the current findings.
• ext#612 · thin · supportingWe have previously shown that exposure to a natural summer 14 hr 40 min:9 hr 20 min light-dark cycle entrains the human circadian clock to solar time, such that the internal biological night begins near sunset and ends near sunrise [1]. Here we show the beginning of the biological night and sleep occur earlier after a week exposure to a natural winter 9 hr 20 min:14 hr 40 min light-dark cycle as compared to the modern electrical lighting environment.
• ext#613 · thin · supportingAfter exposure to the natural light-dark cycle while weekend camping, melatonin onset and midpoint were ~1.4 hr and ~1.0 hr earlier within the same participants compared to the weekday (p<0.01; with large and medium effect sizes for condition [η2G = 0.45 and 0.20, respectively]), despite no change in sleep timing.

No evidence link yet - the primary source is not in Cor. This parameter rests on its mechanism link and the prose; full-text-pending.

{
  "PAL": {
    "men": 1.9,
    "women": 1.8,
    "western_desk": 1.6
  },
  "MVPA_min_per_day": {
    "approx": 134,
    "source_note": "~2h14m moderate-vigorous + ~3h40m light (Hadza HR-monitor)"
  },
  "daily_distance_km": {
    "low": 9,
    "high": 15,
    "qualifier": "approximate, Hadza-anchored, single-population; foraging-day side-effect"
  },
  "rest_hours_per_day": {
    "note": "comparable to industrialized adults; difference is posture not amount",
    "approx": 9.9
  }
}

• ext#196 · clinical · primaryAmong the many studies of the Hadza, one asked forty-six Hadza adults to wear lightweight heart rate monitors for several days. According to these sensors, the average adult Hadza spends a grand total of three hours and forty minutes a day doing light activities and two hours and fourteen minutes a day doing moderate or vigorous activities. Although these few hours of hustling and bustling per day make them about twelve times more active than the average American or European, by no stretch of the imagination could one characterize their workloads as backbreaking. On average, the women walk five miles a day and dig for several hours, whereas the men walk between seven and ten miles a day. And when they aren't being very active, they typically rest or do light work.
• ext#427 · theoretical · primaryWalk or run 10 kilometers (6.2 miles) a day (barefoot, of course), climb a few trees, chase squirrels in the park, throw rocks, eschew chairs, and sleep on a board instead of a mattress.
• ext#197 · replicated · supportingAlthough there is much variation, PALs of hunter-gatherers average 1.9 for men and 1.8 for women, slightly below PAL scores for subsistence farmers, which average 2.1 for men and 1.9 for women. To put these values into context, hunter-gatherer PALs are about the same as those of factory workers and farmers in the developed world (1.8), and about 15 percent higher than PALs of people with desk jobs in developed countries (1.6). In other words, typical hunter-gatherers are about as physically active as Americans or Europeans who include about an hour of exercise in their daily routine. In case you are wondering, most mammals in the wild have PALs of 3.3 or more, nearly twice as high as hunter-gatherers. Thus, comparatively speaking, humans who must hunt and gather all the food they eat and make everything they own by hand are substantially less active than average free-ranging mammals.
• ext#288 · clinical · supportingHere, we test the hypothesis that the ways in which urban populations rest, rather than the amount of time spent resting, represents an inactivity mismatch with an evolutionarily relevant hunting and gathering lifestyle, and propose that this mismatch may contribute to the negative health impacts of sedentary behavior today.
• ext#289 · clinical · supportingIn addition to ground-sitting postures, Hadza individuals also spend a large percentage of their nonambulatory time in squatting (∼18%) and kneeling postures (∼12.5%) that differ from ground sitting by individuals maintaining an elevated buttocks. [...] For soleus, the assisted squat posture (squatting with heels in ground contact and with the buttocks resting on a small rock) elicited significantly higher muscle activity compared with chair sitting.
• ext#198 · theoretical · supportingMy opinion is that while many animals are driven by deep instincts to move, sometimes causing pleasure, exercise as we define it - discretionary, planned physical activity for the sake of physical improvement - is a uniquely human behavior. In fact, I think it is fair to make two generalizations about human exercise. First, while youngsters have always played and sports are a human universal, exercise outside the context of sports was extremely rare until relatively recently. Second, as recent technological and social developments have diminished industrialized people's need to be physically active, a growing chorus of experts has never ceased to raise the alarm that we aren't exercising enough.
• ext#195 · thin · supportingMany things surprised me when I first walked into a Hadza camp mid-morning on a torrid, sunny day in 2013, but I remember being especially struck by how everyone was apparently doing nothing. Hadza camps consist of a few temporary grass huts that blend in with the surrounding bushes. I didn't realize I had walked into a camp until I found myself amid about fifteen Hadza men, women, and children who were sitting on the ground as shown in figure 2. The women and children were relaxing on one side, and the men on another. One fellow was straightening some arrows, and a few children were toddling about, but no one was engaged in any hard work. To be sure, the Hadza weren't lounging on sofas, watching TV, munching potato chips, and sipping soda, but they were doing what so many health experts warn us to avoid: sitting.

• ext#68 · replicated · primaryControl is detected via vmPFC-DMS circuit, then vmPFC inhibits dorsal raphe. Two separable prelimbic cortex functions identified: (1) DETECT - a prelimbic-dorsomedial striatum (DMS) circuit detects contingency between response and outcome (the presence of control); (2) ACT - sepa
• ext#66 · replicated · primaryPassivity is the default, not learned. The original learned helplessness theory got it backward. Passivity in response to prolonged aversive events is the unlearned default response, not a learned expectation of uncontrollability. The neural evidence shows that aversive shock per
• ext#583 · theoretical · supportingAncestral work was characteristically small-group, embodied, skill-based, and autonomy-rich. Psychological adaptations for work - cognitive mechanisms for toolmaking, resource acquisition, learning, and cooperative production - evolved in the context of small networks of hunter-g
• ext#69 · replicated · supportingExperience of control produces lasting immunization via plasticity in vmPFC-DRN pathway. Prior escapable shock prevents passivity/anxiety from later inescapable shock even in completely different situations (trans-situational). This 'immunization' requires new protein synthesis i
• ext#159 · longitudinal · supportingA large body of evidence now exists that supports the demand/control model: people whose jobs are characterised by high demands and low control have a higher risk of developing coronary heart disease than others in jobs with more control. Our own Whitehall II study in the British civil service showed stronger support for the effects of low control on heart disease than for the adverse effects of high demand. Other studies in the US and Sweden, however, do show that a combination of high demand and low control is harmful to health. We also found a strong relation between low control at work and depressive symptoms.
• ext#587 · theoretical · supportingElectronic monitoring and algorithmic management in digital work environments reduce worker decision latitude, triggering M6 controllability failure (learned helplessness default). Combined with status-threat from visible performance metrics and always-on availability expectation
• ext#333 · replicated · supportingIn another study subjects waited an unknown length of time to receive a shock. This lack of predictability and control was so aversive that many chose to receive a stronger shock immediately. And in the others the period of anticipatory dread increasingly activated the amygdala.

• ext#583 · theoretical · primaryAncestral work was characteristically small-group, embodied, skill-based, and autonomy-rich. Psychological adaptations for work - cognitive mechanisms for toolmaking, resource acquisition, learning, and cooperative production - evolved in the context of small networks of hunter-g
• ext#251 · theoretical · supportingThe SEEKING system (see Chapter 8): This emotional system is a coherently operating neuronal network that promotes a certain class of survival abilities. This system makes animals intensely interested in exploring their world and leads them to become excited when they are about to get what they desire. It eventually allows animals to find and eagerly anticipate the things they need for survival, including, of course, food, water, warmth, and their ultimate evolutionary survival need, sex. In other words, when fully aroused, it helps fill the mind with interest and motivates organisms to
• ext#397 · replicated · supportingThe SEEKING, or expectancy, system is characterized by a persistent exploratory inquisitiveness. This system engenders energetic forward locomotion - approach and engagement with the world - as an animal probes into the nooks and crannies of interesting places, objects, and events in ways that are characteristic of its species.

• ext#196 · clinical · challengingAmong the many studies of the Hadza, one asked forty-six Hadza adults to wear lightweight heart rate monitors for several days. According to these sensors, the average adult Hadza spends a grand total of three hours and forty minutes a day doing light activities and two hours and fourteen minutes a day doing moderate or vigorous activities. Although these few hours of hustling and bustling per day make them about twelve times more active than the average American or European, by no stretch of the imagination could one characterize their workloads as backbreaking. On average, the women walk five miles a day and dig for several hours, whereas the men walk between seven and ten miles a day. And when they aren't being very active, they typically rest or do light work.
• ext#197 · replicated · challengingAlthough there is much variation, PALs of hunter-gatherers average 1.9 for men and 1.8 for women, slightly below PAL scores for subsistence farmers, which average 2.1 for men and 1.9 for women. To put these values into context, hunter-gatherer PALs are about the same as those of factory workers and farmers in the developed world (1.8), and about 15 percent higher than PALs of people with desk jobs in developed countries (1.6). In other words, typical hunter-gatherers are about as physically active as Americans or Europeans who include about an hour of exercise in their daily routine. In case you are wondering, most mammals in the wild have PALs of 3.3 or more, nearly twice as high as hunter-gatherers. Thus, comparatively speaking, humans who must hunt and gather all the food they eat and make everything they own by hand are substantially less active than average free-ranging mammals.
• ext#200 · contested · challengingWhen Herman Pontzer and his colleagues measured daily energy expenditures in the Hadza, they were surprised to find that the highly active Hadza spend about the same total number of calories per day as sedentary industrialized people with the same lean body weight. In addition, when Pontzer and colleagues collected energetic data from adults in many countries including the United States, Ghana, Jamaica, and South Africa, they observed that more active people spent only slightly more calories per day than more sedentary people who weighed the same. In addition, individuals who were more physically active didn't have total energy budgets as high as their exertions would predict. How could someone who spent five hundred extra calories a day exercising not have a total energy budget that is five hundred calories higher? The proposed explanation is that people's total energy budgets are constrained: if I use five hundred extra calories walking, I'll spend less energy on my resting metabolism to help pay for my exertions.

{
  "note": "Specific paleo-diet macronutrient figures are reconstructions and the exact numbers are contested; direction of divergence is robust, magnitude is not.",
  "sodium": "low",
  "potassium": "high",
  "added_sugar": "minimal",
  "seasonality": "high (composition tracked season/geography)",
  "processed_food": "near-zero",
  "micronutrient_density": "high",
  "protein_pct_calories_approx": 34,
  "modern_protein_pct_calories_approx": 12
}

• ext#39 · clinical · primaryAncestral human diet was characterized by: higher protein (34% vs 12% of calories), dramatically lower refined carbohydrate and sugar, higher fiber (100-150g/day vs 20g), lower sodium, higher potassium, higher micronutrient density, and near-zero processed food. Modern Western di
• ext#38 · theoretical · supportingThe discordance hypothesis: the human genome was shaped under Paleolithic nutritional conditions and has changed negligibly since the advent of agriculture (~10,000 years ago). Modern diseases of civilization - atherosclerosis, hypertension, obesity, diabetes - result from the mi
• ext#471 · theoretical · supportingEaton & Konner analyzed nutritional properties of wild game and uncultivated vegetable foods and evaluated archaeological remains to reconstruct Paleolithic diet composition. Their model was derived from 69 game and wild vegetable items. Humanity has existed as a genus for about

{
  "note": "Fiber figures are reconstructions; treat magnitude as approximate.",
  "sweet_fat_salt_availability": "ancestrally rare, bundled in whole-food matrix",
  "fiber_g_per_day_modern_approx": 20,
  "fiber_g_per_day_ancestral_estimate": "100-150"
}

• ext#39 · clinical · primaryAncestral human diet was characterized by: higher protein (34% vs 12% of calories), dramatically lower refined carbohydrate and sugar, higher fiber (100-150g/day vs 20g), lower sodium, higher potassium, higher micronutrient density, and near-zero processed food. Modern Western di
• ext#75 · clinical · supportingMoss documents how the food industry systematically optimizes products for the "bliss point" - the precise concentration of sugar, fat, and salt that maximizes sensory pleasure and craving. Howard Moskowitz, a mathematician and experimental psychologist, built a consulting empire
• ext#439 · clinical · supportingTo plot what industry insiders call the 'bliss point,' or the precise amount of sugar or fat or salt that will send consumers over the moon. At a laboratory in White Plains, New York, industry scientists who perform this alchemy walked me, step by step, through the process of engineering a new soda so that I could see the creation of bliss firsthand.
• ext#76 · clinical · supportingMoss reveals through internal industry sources that food companies knowingly engineer products to exploit evolved taste preferences and are aware of the overconsumption consequences. At a secret 1999 meeting of eleven food industry CEOs, Pillsbury executive James Behnke confronte
• ext#440 · clinical · supportingThese were the three pillars of processed food, the creators of crave, and each of the CEOs needed them in huge quantities to turn their products into hits.

{
  "note": "Daily-movement/km figure is solid-ish; do NOT read this as a daily WORK-HOURS figure - total subsistence work-hours are contested (see gap and held_out).",
  "desk_worker_PAL": "~1.6",
  "hunter_gatherer_PAL": "1.8-1.9",
  "hadza_men_miles_per_day": "7-10",
  "hadza_women_miles_per_day": "~5 plus hours digging",
  "hunter_gatherer_daily_travel_km_approx": "~10"
}

• ext#196 · clinical · primaryAmong the many studies of the Hadza, one asked forty-six Hadza adults to wear lightweight heart rate monitors for several days. According to these sensors, the average adult Hadza spends a grand total of three hours and forty minutes a day doing light activities and two hours and fourteen minutes a day doing moderate or vigorous activities. Although these few hours of hustling and bustling per day make them about twelve times more active than the average American or European, by no stretch of the imagination could one characterize their workloads as backbreaking. On average, the women walk five miles a day and dig for several hours, whereas the men walk between seven and ten miles a day. And when they aren't being very active, they typically rest or do light work.
• ext#197 · replicated · supportingAlthough there is much variation, PALs of hunter-gatherers average 1.9 for men and 1.8 for women, slightly below PAL scores for subsistence farmers, which average 2.1 for men and 1.9 for women. To put these values into context, hunter-gatherer PALs are about the same as those of factory workers and farmers in the developed world (1.8), and about 15 percent higher than PALs of people with desk jobs in developed countries (1.6). In other words, typical hunter-gatherers are about as physically active as Americans or Europeans who include about an hour of exercise in their daily routine. In case you are wondering, most mammals in the wild have PALs of 3.3 or more, nearly twice as high as hunter-gatherers. Thus, comparatively speaking, humans who must hunt and gather all the food they eat and make everything they own by hand are substantially less active than average free-ranging mammals.
• ext#427 · theoretical · supportingWalk or run 10 kilometers (6.2 miles) a day (barefoot, of course), climb a few trees, chase squirrels in the park, throw rocks, eschew chairs, and sleep on a board instead of a mattress.

{
  "finding": "TEE constant across activity levels after controlling for body size",
  "implication": "Obesity difference between Hadza and Westerners lies in intake/composition, not in expenditure.",
  "populations": [
    "Ghana",
    "Jamaica",
    "Seychelles",
    "South Africa",
    "US"
  ],
  "doubly_labeled_water_n": 332,
  "kcal_per_100CPM_above_moderate": "<50",
  "constrained_TEE_change_point_CPM_per_day": 230
}

• ext#286 · clinical · primaryAs expected, physical activity level, PAL, was greater among Hadza foragers than among Westerners. Nonetheless, average daily energy expenditure of traditional Hadza foragers was no different than that of Westerners after controlling for body size. The metabolic cost of walking and resting were also similar among Hadza and Western groups. The similarity in metabolic rates across a broad range of cultures challenges current models of obesity suggesting that Western lifestyles lead to decreased energy expenditure.
• ext#283 · theoretical · supportingHere we tested a Constrained total energy expenditure model, in which total energy expenditure increases with physical activity at low activity levels but plateaus at higher activity levels as the body adapts to maintain total energy expenditure within a narrow range. We compared total energy expenditure, measured using doubly labeled water, against physical activity, measured using accelerometry, for a large (n = 332) sample of adults living in five populations. After adjusting for body size and composition, total energy expenditure was positively correlated with physical activity, but the relationship was markedly stronger over the lower range of physical activity. For subjects in the upper range of physical activity, total energy expenditure plateaued, supporting a Constrained total energy expenditure model.
• ext#284 · theoretical · supportingPeople in less socioeconomically developed populations, including subsistence farmers and traditional hunter-gatherers, have total energy expenditures similar to those in more developed populations despite substantial differences in physical activity. Mammals living in the wild, including non-human primate species, have total energy expenditures similar to captive populations. These population-level comparisons suggest that total energy expenditure is an evolved, species-specific trait that is homeostatically buffered against variation in habitual physical activity.
• ext#287 · theoretical · supportingWe hypothesize that human daily energy expenditure may be an evolved physiological trait largely independent of cultural differences.

{
  "duty_cycle": "low_intermittent",
  "quantified": false,
  "resolution_mode": "discrete_motor_action_then_standdown",
  "temporal_profile": "acute_episodic_pulsatile",
  "typical_episode_duration": "seconds_to_minutes"
}

• ext#150 · theoretical · primaryIn contemporary society, as we've noted, most of our stressors do not come and go in the kind of short, life-or-death confrontations that drove the evolution of 'fight or flight.' We can have the same overbearing boss, the same long commute, the same worries about health care and retirement, and the same feelings of social isolation, hour after hour, year after year. Moreover, we now experience these persistent stressors over a life span that, on average, extends well beyond what was the norm during all but the last few centuries of our species' existence. The environment is entirely different now than it was in our environment of evolutionary adaptation
• ext#331 · replicated · primarywhile the acute stress response involves enhanced immunity, chronic stress suppresses immunity, increasing vulnerability to some infectious diseases.
• ext#130 · replicated · supportingAcute and chronic stress cause an imbalance of neural circuitry subserving cognition, decision making, anxiety and mood that can increase or decrease expression of those behaviors and behavioral states. In the short term, such as for increased fearful vigilance and anxiety in a threatening environment, these changes may be adaptive; but, if the danger passes and the behavioral state persists along with the changes in neural circuitry, such maladaptation may need intervention
• ext#345 · theoretical · supportingthe Smoke Detector Principle. Most of the responses that cause human suffering are unnecessary in the individual instance but still perfectly normal because they have low costs but protect against huge possible losses. They are like false alarms from smoke detectors. The occasional wail when you burn the toast is worth it to ensure that you are warned

{
  "quantified": false,
  "predictability": "perceptually_verifiable",
  "controllability": "high_action_contingent",
  "uncontrollable_stress": "rare_exceptional"
}

• ext#333 · replicated · primaryIn another study subjects waited an unknown length of time to receive a shock. This lack of predictability and control was so aversive that many chose to receive a stronger shock immediately. And in the others the period of anticipatory dread increasingly activated the amygdala.
• ext#442 · replicated · primaryLearned helplessness in the laboratory - combining the animal and human experimental results - produced eight of the nine symptoms [of depression], with the only exception being suicide and suicidal thoughts.
• ext#587 · theoretical · supportingElectronic monitoring and algorithmic management in digital work environments reduce worker decision latitude, triggering M6 controllability failure (learned helplessness default). Combined with status-threat from visible performance metrics and always-on availability expectation

{
  "quantified": false,
  "resolution": "behavioral_all_clear_plus_social_all_clear",
  "termination": "reliable",
  "alarm_validity": "mostly_real_present_verifiable",
  "false_alarm_rate": "high_but_each_resolved"
}

• ext#331 · replicated · primarywhile the acute stress response involves enhanced immunity, chronic stress suppresses immunity, increasing vulnerability to some infectious diseases.
• ext#469 · meta_analysis · primaryThe price of this accommodation to stress can be allostatic load, which is the wear and tear that results from chronic overactivity or underactivity of allostatic systems.
• ext#308 · theoretical · supportingMy view is that some major illnesses considered distinct and "mental" are all rooted in a chronically unbalanced body budget and unbridled inflammation. We categorize and name them as different disorders, based on context, much like we categorize and name the same bodily changes as different emotions.
• ext#565 · theoretical · supportingOut of 1000 episodes of flight at this response threshold, on the average, 999 will be false alarms and only 1 will be flight from an actual predator.
• ext#125 · replicated · supportingAlthough the brain is highly responsive to perceived threat, even simple handholding can substantially attenuate threat responses. These effects are potentiated by higher relationship quality, intimacy, and higher perceived mutuality. Critically, the likeliest mechanisms linking
• ext#461 · theoretical · challengingthe cost of chronic exposure to fluctuating or heightened neural or neuroendocrine response resulting from repeated or chronic environmental challenge.

• ext#373 · replicated · primaryIn effect, the band keeps a dossier on every individual, noting positive and negative points. Group members exercise the right to take action if a deviant begins to intimidate other group members individually - or threatens the social equilibrium of the group or its very ability to function.
• ext#509 · theoretical · supportingit may be that face-to-face meetings are required from time to time to prevent friendships, in particular, sliding down through the network layers and eventually slipping over the edge of the 150 layer into the category of acquaintances.
• ext#250 · theoretical · supportingThe second step, reflecting the focus of culture theorists such as Vygotsky and Bakhtin, came as human populations began growing in size and competing with one another. This competition meant that group life as a whole became one big collaborative activity, creating a much larger and more permanent shared world, that is to say, a culture. The resulting group-mindedness among all members of the cultural group (including in-group strangers) was based on a new ability to construct common cultural ground via collectively known cultural conventions, norms, and institutions.

• ext#373 · replicated · primaryIn effect, the band keeps a dossier on every individual, noting positive and negative points. Group members exercise the right to take action if a deviant begins to intimidate other group members individually - or threatens the social equilibrium of the group or its very ability to function.
• ext#375 · replicated · primarythose who have things of value but do not give are subject to social control through gossip, ridicule or ostracism.
• ext#121 · theoretical · supportingcultural evolution initiated a process of self-domestication, driving genetic evolution to make us prosocial, docile, rule followers who expect a world governed by social norms monitored and enforced by communities.